Describing genetic variation in deep-sea organisms is key to understanding ecological and evolutionary processes shaping biological diversity in these fragile ecosystems that are vulnerable to anthropogenic activity. Among deep-sea species, tubeworms (Class Polychaeta) often dominate faunal biomass in hydrothermal vents where they tend to grow in towering colonies. As foundation species, tubeworms create structural habitats that support assemblages of diverse biological communities across the seafloor. However, heterogeneous environmental conditions throughout their range, such as pH and temperature, and geographic isolation, may cause population subdivision by restricting connectivity between sites. This study aims to further our understanding of tubeworm population structure by investigating genetic relationships between Ridgeia piscesae subpopulations within a deep-sea hydrothermal vent system. At the Axial Seamount, a regularly surveyed area in the study of hydrothermal vent processes on the Juan de Fuca Ridge, our knowledge of the genetic connectivity of R. piscesae subpopulations remains limited. Here, we examined genetic variation in R. piscesae individuals collected from structurally-different sites within the Axial Seamount. Specifically, we genotyped mitochondrial genes and constructed SNP-based phylogenetic trees to elucidate evolutionary relationships between worms inhabiting a chimney and diffuse-flow locations. Genetic differentiation is expected to be low when gene flow is high between populations, but these outcomes may also be influenced by other aspects, such as environmental conditions. These results allow us to evaluate the degree of genetic diversity in tubeworms within this important area and provide insight into the potential impact of human activities, such as seabed mining, on deep-sea vent dynamics.

The American prison system is notorious for the mistreatment and abuse of the incarcerated people left in their care. In the past ten years there have been large pushes for prison reform; yet, these programs have had varying results across states. Why is it that some states have a much higher frequency of sexual assaults in prisons then others? I expect to find that prisons in Democratic-controlled states will have lower rates of sexual assault then their Republican-controlled counterparts. Literature on racial and social justice initiatives point to several differentiating factors between the two parties that aids in explaining this issue. Democrats are more likely to support social welfare and the Black Lives Matter movement, because racial justice activism is important to the Democratic coalition and subsequently their voter base. Additionally, Republican leadership supports tax and social welfare cuts while prison reform depends on subsidization from the government to work. In order to test this theory, I gathered data on sexual assaults in prisons from each state and compared them against each other, controlling for certain factors such as age, population and prison demographic. I ran a multivariate regression to see if Republican-controlled states experience greater frequencies of assault. This study focuses on an underserved population in the United States which greatly deserves thought and attention. Additionally, learning what factors contribute to violence in prisons helps provide a framework for improvements in our judicial system. Through research my goal is to contribute new information to a critical issue that has so far been largely understudied.

International criminal justice is often criticized for being unfairly selective in prosecuting cases. For instance, all suspects brought before the International Criminal Court in The Hague have come from Africa. This is despite the fact that human rights violations have been reported in many other parts of the world during this same period of time. Although restrictions in time and resources limit international courts’ and tribunals' capacity to prosecute all meritorious cases, the criteria used by the Prosecutors of these courts to determine which cases to pursue and which to disregard remain largely unknown, compromising the legitimacy of international criminal law in its application. This raises the question of why international criminal cases were only initiated in certain cases and not in others, and against particular suspects? To address these questions, this research examines four of the most prominent theories on selectivity in the application of international criminal law, including state capacity, popularity (that the courts will single out people from countries that have a bad reputation in their global affairs while granting leniency to others), crime severity, and victor's justice (countries with powerful positions within the international arena are most likely to escape international scrutiny). Most empirical research examines a single theory in isolation and employs a case study approach. However, I compiled an original dataset that encompasses all cases of international criminal law, from the Nuremberg Trials to the most recent cases of the International Criminal Court in order to test all four major theories systematically. I expect multivariate analysis to provide substantial support for the theory of victor's justice by showing that the power of a country correlates with the likelihood of international interference in the prosecution of international crimes committed in the country.

As of 2022 there are 103 million displaced people, of which 32.5 million are refugees, and 4.9 million are asylum seekers recognized by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. As the number of displaced people grows, it becomes even more imperative that the United States offers asylum seekers a fair trial in court to pursue refuge in order to comply with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as to uphold strong ethical obligations based on foundational liberal values. However, today the right to seek asylum in U.S. immigration courts is undermined by the stark variation of adjudication rates between immigration judges. In this paper, I use original data from the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University to examine asylum adjudication variation systemically. Building from social identity theory, I hypothesize that asylum adjudication variation occurs due to the implicit bias exercised by judges based on their personal identities. I define implicit biases as unconscious learned biases that usually take the form of stereotypes and narratives that one automatically associates with particular people. Using a multivariate regression, I examine how the race, gender, political leanings, and religious affiliations of 314 judges correlate with the judges’ adjudication rate as well as the racial makeup of their asylum applicant pool. I expect to find that judges that have the characteristics of white, male, conservative and Christian will be more likely to deny asylum applications and I posit that this will have a disparate impact on asylum seekers who are black, brown, or are coming from majority Muslim countries.

Microfinance institutions are considered pivotal in addressing poverty in low- and middle-income countries and providing financial inclusion through loans, savings, and insurance to those typically excluded from traditional banking. Most microloan recipients are women who own small businesses, and thus microfinance is regarded as pivotal to increasing women’s economic status. Some studies, however, highlight the rather lacking ability of microloans to improve household and business outcomes, as well as measures of women’s empowerment. My research explores if targeting such an agenda is the most effective way to uplift women and therefore help economic conditions in middle-income countries. I do this by examining the impact of microfinance loans on women’s autonomy in Vietnam by constructing a panel dataset from the 2006 and 2010 Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys and designing a causal model. One channel through which microfinance empowers a woman is through her ability to financially contribute to the household, which in turn increases her decision-making ability, and thus changes gender relations in the household. In order to test increased decision-making, I calculate the share of resources in the household that are allocated to each woman and estimate changes in resource shares as a result of receiving a microloan. I expect results to show little to no increase in resource shares as the outcome of a household obtaining a microloan. In order to test changes in gender relations, I compare the previous results across Vietnam’s eight regions, which display varying levels of intimate partner violence. I expect regions with high rates of intimate partner violence to be negatively correlated with increased resource shares for women as compared to regions that have low rates of intimate partner violence. By addressing both the economic and social status of women, I illustrate a more complete picture of the efficacy of microfinance.

Donald Trump’s presidency and its divisive legacy on the American government and its citizens continues to plague our society years after he has left office. It is crucial that policymakers and social scientists understand what values or grievances resonated with Trump’s voters and drove the rise of the Make America Great Again movement, in order to ensure that his voters do not continue to feel alienated from mainstream US politics. Through this paper I explore the electoral motivations of the US white working class, building on existing research that studies voting patterns and trends in previous presidential elections. I test two popular competing theories, pocketbook voting and social identity voting, and apply these theories to the context of the 2020 US presidential election. Pocketbook voting posits that voters respond to individual economic incentives and vote for who would benefit them economically, while social identity voting theorizes that individuals vote based on their subjective sense of belonging to an in-group and a desire to distinguish their group from others. I expect to find that white working class Trump voters were motivated by social identity voting, voting for Trump because of racial grievances and status anxieties. To conduct this study, I use a racial threat index and an economic well-being index, drawing from survey data to compare the social and economic grievances of white working class Trump voters. I expect to find that social identity voting, driven by factors such as status anxiety and racial threat, is a stronger electoral motivator than economic incentives, such as changes in wages or employment. Understanding such motivations lets us fight polarization and address the concerns of disenfranchised voters in future elections and in politics more broadly.

Year after year, catastrophic hurricanes rip through the mainland United States and its island territories. And yet, year after year, we hear stories of communities going without electricity or running water for months, disastrous temporary housing units and evacuations, and months-long wait times for immediate needs like food and medical care. Why has the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) failed to improve its distribution of disaster relief, even after three major reform bills? This paper seeks to provide an answer by investigating how corporate lobbying may be influencing FEMA’s allocation of relief funds between public and private actors. Considering the lucrative nature of post-disaster contracts awarded to corporations, they may use their lobbying powers to pressure the government to allocate more funds for private contracts and less to its Public Assistance (PA) program, which provides grants directly to state and local governments. FEMA’s preference for private contractors, despite their extensive history of performing inadequate work and defrauding the government, may be a significant part of the agency’s overall dysfunction. I conduct a multivariate regression analysis to determine the relationship between lobbying expenditures from top contractors and FEMA’s allocation of relief funds among public and private sectors between 2004 and 2021. I expect to find a positive relationship between these variables, suggesting lobbying does interfere with the delivery of post-disaster aid. Identifying the private sector’s influence in this area is critical to ensuring communities are properly supported after hurricanes and other natural disasters, which will only increase in frequency due to climate change.

Across a variety of signaling pathways, soluble factors in the extracellular matrix bind to protein receptors that span the cell wall, thereby triggering an information cascade that affects cell activity or function. It follows that by controlling the binding of signaling factors to these receptors, cell behavior and activity can be guided with substantial precision. In this project, we aim to design a system that allows de novo-developed protein agonists and antagonists, referred to as binders, to be activated with a high degree of temporal and spatial control within cell-encapsulating hydrogels. Towards this end, we employ methods derived from protein semisynthesis and click chemistry to tether binders to the hydrogel polymer network and then subsequently photo-release them from the network. We expect a difference in the functionality of binders when they are bound to the network compared to when they are released through light exposure and solubilized, thus achieving light-dependent control of the binder-receptor interaction and cell activity. This system will be the first to employ de novo developed agonist and antagonist biomolecules for the interrogation and control of cellular behavior. In so doing, it will expand the tool box of biomaterial engineering to include finer control over cells grown in 3D matrices, with direct implications in fields as diverse as therapeutic development, regenerative medicine, and organ-on-a-chip engineering.

Cryptocurrency is a worldwide payment system that has the potential to become a universal exchange since it was first presented as a solution to address the limits of centralized banking systems, including inflation and clunky currency conversions. However, high price volatility, cybersecurity threats, and environmental repercussions are some hazards associated with cryptocurrency. Since the start of the 2008 banking crisis, it has long been a contentious topic in the global economy, especially considering the lack of proper regulatory authorities. Current studies on the topic suggest two extremes, with some claiming that it is just a matter of time before cryptocurrencies take over the financial system as opposed to others claiming that they will eventually die out. In 2021, El Salvador became the first country to make Bitcoin legal tender, offering its citizens fee-free transactions and facilitating fast cross-border payments. In contrast, the Chinese government has banned the trade and mining of cryptocurrencies due to their energy consumption and the use of virtual currencies for fraud and money laundering. Major scandals involving this currency consistently occur, causing widespread mistrust in cryptocurrencies and people to question their long-term viability. My literature review assesses the future of cryptocurrencies from the perspectives of economics and political policy, underscoring the prospective advantages of adopting cryptocurrencies as legal tender, either as a replacement for or in addition to centralized currencies. Comparing cryptocurrency usage in different countries, I aim to cast light on the concept of an accessible currency and present a potentially superior alternative for weak currencies. I expect three issues to appear in my results, namely decentralization, security, and scalability. The concept of a universal currency indisputably has the ability to alter how international trade is conducted and alleviate wealth disparity because it would be accessible to everyone, everywhere.

Stereotypes are generally harmful, regardless of the content being positive or negative. However, people may perceive certain stereotypes are more acceptable or less harmful than others. We are interested in seeing the varying degree of how people perceive the social acceptability of the stereotypes about women’s interest or ability in computer science. We hypothesize that stereotypes about women being less interested in STEM fields are more socially acceptable than stereotypes about their ability in computer science. For this purpose, we intend to conduct a survey study including 4 scales measuring how much participants, students from University of Washington, believe it is socially acceptable to assume gender stereotypes about women’s interest and ability in computer science. Data will be analyzed using a dependent t-test. We hypothesize that people believe it is less socially acceptable to talk about the stereotypes about women having less ability than being less interested in computer science. The finding may stop the adverse intuition that expressing some stereotypes are tolerated and further motivate women to express their interest in computer science as the stereotypes about their interest should be just as unacceptable as any stereotypes regarding their ability. Future work could develop interventions to spread the awareness that having either types of stereotypes about women on computer science topics, no matter woman’s interest or ability, should be considered harmful.

Regenerative medicine compromises to repair and replace cells, tissues, and organs damaged by disease or aging. To control cell fate in regenerative medicine, methods enabling irreversible and spatiotemporally controlled protein activation would be beneficial, particularly to those that could be applied for both inter- and extracellular activation. Furthermore, an ideal strategy could be applied to virtually any protein and afford rapid activation. In my work, I have sought to develop and exploit such a method through protein photochemistry; in response to mild and cytocompatibile light exposure, user-specified proteins are irreversibly assembled into their bioactive form. I have optimized the processes for hydrogel formation and modifications to increase cell viability. Results further inform that I can biochemically customize the landscape both intra- and extra-cellularly with a photoactivatable mCherry construct. Moving forward, I intend to apply this technique to activate epidermal growth factors and other proteins in multiple physiological systems. Successful protein photoactivation provides a potential, less invasive mechanism for controlling cells in the extracellular matrix for tissue engineering and regenerative medicine.

 Cystic fibrosis (CF) is a progressive, life-threatening disease, that results from the formation of thick mucus that builds up in the lungs, digestive tract, and other parts of the body. It leads to severe respiratory and digestive problems as well as other complications including opportunistic infections and diabetes. CF is caused by a mutation of the gene encoding the cystic fibrosis transmembrane conductance regulator (CFTR) chloride channel. Recently, the initiation of highly effective CFTR modulators including Trikafta (a combination of the medications elexacaftor, tezacaftor, and ivacaftor) has significantly improved the quality of life and life expectancy of patients with CF. However, recent clinical studies have shown that CF patients taking Trikafta have an increased risk of developing obesity and diabetes, though the underlying mechanisms remain unknown. In addition to being expressed in peripheral tissues, the Cftr gene is also expressed in the brain in the arcuate nucleus (ARC), a key brain area involved in metabolic regulation. To begin testing the hypothesis that Trikafta predisposes to metabolic syndrome by altering the activity of signaling of neurocircuits that regulate metabolism in the ARC, I investigated the ability of Trikafta to activate neurons in the ARC of mice (based on histochemical detection of c-Fos, a marker of neuronal activation). Following a single intracerebroventricular injection of Trikafra, compared to vehicle-treated mice, I found that mice treated with Trikafta had significantly increased activation of neurons in the ARC. I am now conducting studies to identify the phenotype of the neurons in the ARC that are activated by Trikafta and predict that successful completion of these studies will advance our understanding of the pathogenesis of obesity and metabolic impairment induced by Trikafta and inform the development of strategies that can avert these deleterious side effects.

Past research found racial diversity in the workplace can increase equity (e.g. Edelman et al., 2001), but could proximity to diversity make White leaders less likely to be held accountable for bias? I conducted two studies examining how having racial diversity near, but not within, the work team may influence people’s perceptions of workplace equity. In Study 1, participants recruited through Prolific (N = 252) rated how equitable they think a White leader would be in two conditions: one where all other leaders are White and one where the other leaders are racially diverse. Participants were informed that the White leader works entirely independently from the other leaders. Results show that participants rated the leader as more equitable in the diverse condition as compared to the all-White condition. Study 2 examines whether proximity to diversity could shield White leaders from accountability in an ambiguous situation where racial bias may have played a role. Results show that participants (N = 234) rated the leader's decision as less likely to be driven by racial bias in the diverse leadership (vs. all-White) condition. Mediation analysis shows that perceiving the leader as more equitable in the diverse leadership condition helps explain the present effect. Implication suggests that people may be less sensitive to detecting bias in diverse environments. Future work should disaggregate the experiences of people of color, examining whether there may be differences among racial groups in how the effect operates. Individual differences may also be moderating factors for the investigated effect. 

The innate immune system must have a rigorous response to many pathogens in order to successfully defend host cells against infections. During infection, inflammasome forming sensors detect pathogen-specific features which release proinflammatory cytokines such as IL-1B for immune activation. The inflammasome forming sensor NLRP1 directly detects multiple signals indicative of infection, including viral protease activity. Recently, it was shown NLRP1 is indirectly activated by bacterial toxins and UV irradiation that disrupt host protein synthesis, demonstrating it can detect environmental stimuli to cause inflammation. However, much of this activation pathway is poorly understood with only one nonpathogenic cause having been investigated. Our goal is to identify the host proteins required for NLRP1 activation and determine whether NLRP1 can broadly detect disrupted protein synthesis. We hypothesize NLRP1 detection of disruption in protein synthesis is a broad strategy to combat infection and may have an important role in causing inflammation in other diseases associated with disrupted protein synthesis, including cancer and neurodegeneration. Knockout cell lines of proteins suspected of activating NLRP1 are produced through lentiviral transduction of Cas-9, a gene editing tool which cleaves off specific nucleotides corresponding to the target gene of each protease sensor in the inflammasome activation pathway. Each cell line is confirmed to be absent of the target sensor via genotyping, and is followed by a functional assay of each knockout line which induces cellular stress targeting the activation of each cleaved protease. We predict that inflammasome activation as defined by IL-1B concentration will be significantly decreased in knockout cell lines targeting key proteases in the inflammasome signal cascade, showing that the overactivation of these proteases is sufficient for inflammasome activation. These results could provide key targets for drug discovery in the treatment of multiple diseases which cause disruption of protein synthesis, including cancer and neurodegeneration.

The “Taiwan issue,” a potential breaking point for U.S.-China relations, is essentially about Taiwan’s highly controversial political status and national identification. Historically, the Taiwanese have identified themselves in different ways, as some self-identify as Chinese and some as Taiwanese. However, there has been a significant change in Taiwan’s national identification in recent decades, as people are increasingly self-identifying as Taiwanese instead of Chinese. This paper tries to answer what has led to changes in Taiwan’s national identity. I explore theories of democratization, authoritarian control in mainland China, and elite manipulation through discourse as potential causes for the shift in Taiwan’s national identification. I use democratic indices from the V-Dem dataset to measure degrees of democratization and the political rights and civil liberties indices from Freedom House to measure levels of authoritarian control in mainland China. To measure elite manipulation through discourse in Taiwan, I conduct a content analysis of key concepts related to both identities on Taiwan’s newspapers. I employ these data to test each of the theories in relation to survey results in Taiwan from 1990-2021. To test each of the theories, I conduct a multivariate regression analysis to determine if there is a relationship between each theory and change in Taiwanese national identity. I expect to find a positive correlation between the three potential causes and change in Taiwan’s national identification, which would indicate that democratization, elite manipulation through discourse, and authoritarian control in mainland China has led to the increasing trend of identifying as Taiwanese. Understanding the cause of change in Taiwan’s national identification and how support for the identities change over time provides insights into why and to what extent Taiwan has separated itself from mainland China and helps inform policy implications for both China and the U.S.’ Taiwan policy.

The onset of the 21st century brought with it an increasingly authoritarian world. Since 2005, countries making democratic declines outnumbered those making democratic gains. Why is it that, despite seemingly disparate conditions in individual countries, democratic backsliding is globally on the rise? Although this sudden and alarming decline has drawn the attention of many political researchers, there currently lacks a strong scientific consensus on the major catalysts for democratic backsliding. This research project explores whether political and affective polarization influence the quality of democracy experienced by a country. I hypothesize that the amount of polarization within a state significantly impacts the extent to which democratic backsliding occurs. This hypothesis comes from my observations of the United States’ current cultural climate, where high levels of polarization have contributed to political dysfunction on a national level. Polarization appears to undermine democratic norms and principles by discouraging bipartisan cooperation, encouraging politicians with autocratic policies to run for elections, and incentivizing voters to choose partisan interests over democratic ones. To test this theory, I run a multivariate regression analysis of the relationship between political and affective polarization on over 100 countries, all of which were considered to be some form of democracy in the year 2013. I test this analysis against multiple potential confounding variables, such as the income inequality within a state, public support for democracy, and rate of immigration. I expect my evaluation to show a significant positive relationship between a nation’s level of polarization and the rate of democratic decline. Erosion of democracy has real-world significance for citizens. Since this period of democratic backsliding began, election freedom and checks on human rights abuses have deteriorated. It’s important to identify a catalyst for 21st century backsliding because it provides us with a method for preventing further liberalism to occur.

Non-evangelical denominations of Protestantism have experienced unsettling declines in funding and membership since the 1960’s. Seattle churches are no exception. A collective of “progressive” identifying Seattle churches are tackling the organizational issues they face. Together, they are asking questions such as: “How can we disrupt the entrenched Christian elitism that separates our church from the community landscape?” and “How can we reteach our congregations what it means to be in community with other people?” Political scientists and religious scholars have offered many theoretical explanations for why some churches, denominations, or religions thrive when others do not. This paper seeks to quantitatively assess mainstream explanations for progressive Protestant decline by using survey data collected from this local collective of churches. The survey utilizes likert scale questions, which will be analyzed using a logistic regression to understand how individuals relate their political beliefs to their religious beliefs in the context of their congregations.This paper advances three hypotheses: progressive Protestantism decreases theological and political cohesion among their congregations; progressive church-goers develop political beliefs that are less influenced by the church than their conservative counterparts; and lastly that progressive churches have weak self-conceptions of their theological teachings. Progressive theologies inherently encourage open-mindedness and individuality: beliefs that are often corrosive to the ideological strength of a church because they undermine the church's moral authority. I believe that progressive Protestants generally-- and these Seattle churches specifically-- have so diluted the coercive influence of the church, that their congregations are struggling to maintain a cohesive theological outlook. The Christian church undergirds many Americans’ political beliefs. Understanding how a church’s adoption of a progressive theology impacts the organizational strength of a congregation, and the ideological beliefs of the individual are crucial considerations for a country increasingly divided by political polarization.

The existential risk of being unable to control a super-intelligent agent is called the Control Problem. Philosophers argue that an intelligence explosion and the creation of a singularity are inevitable, likening it to a ticking bomb. This fear is also present within the media, with rogue robots and singularities being frequent tropes for science fiction. However, the catastrophizing of sentient computers is not new. When first invented, academics and citizens speculated the computer was a precursor to supernatural thinking machines. Even in the mid-20th century, scientists believed sentient computers were right around the corner. This belief led to widespread computer phobia- the general public was afraid of what they thought were sentient gadgets and their implications. As familiarity with computers grew, along with a redefinition of what qualifies as human intelligence, this fear dwindled, and the public viewed computers as mere tools. Once again, due to the innovation of neural networks, we are experiencing a resurgence of phobia, reviving the belief that computers are supernatural thinking machines. This literature review will compare recent and historical philosophical arguments to current psychology and computer science. I expect to find similarities between the 1950s and present phobia and logical dissonance between the application of computer science and philosophical arguments. By confronting a potentially baseless fear, we can correct and alleviate the issues caused by irrationality and identify policies separate from sentience but still necessary to safeguard against non-sentient AI.

Leishmaniasis, caused by various species of Leishmania, is a global public health burden, with the World Health Organization reporting over a million cases in the last 5 years, leading to over 20,000 deaths annually. Leishmania and closely related organisms have the unique ability to glycosylate thymidine (Ts) residues to form a base termed Base J. Previous work by the lab has shown that de novo insertion of J is initiated by a protein called JBP2 that is targeted to specific regions of the genome by J2-TDP, a Tudor domain protein. Tudor domains bind to methylated arginine or lysine residues that are most commonly found in histones. To determine if targeting JBP2 to a genome location was sufficient to initiate formation of J, we wanted to target JBP2 to a region of the genome that does not normally contain J. To achieve this, we took advantage of the ability of the tetracycline repressor (TetR) to bind to the operator (TetO) by fusing JBP2 and J2TDP separately to TetR and expressing the proteins in Leishmania harboring a TetO cassette in a locus that does not contain J. I constructed a cassette with the necessary components which contain in order- a drug selectable marker, TetO sites, and a GFP, as a reporter gene to monitor any possible effects J has on the cells when inserted. Using CRISPR/Cas9, I inserted this construct into Leishmania that expressed the TetR fusion proteins. I then grew these strains in the presence or absence of Tet and then determined if J was present at this location. The results of these findings will give us a deeper understanding of the molecular mechanism(s) responsible for this specificity as well as this will offer potential opportunities for development of novel therapeutic agents against Leishmania.