This project seeks to explore the effect of spending on state-level ballot initiative campaigns on voter turnout. Past research into the area of voter turnout has revealed evidence of relationships between campaign spending, voter turnout, and vote outcomes. Differentials in spending by competing campaigns has been demonstrated to have clear effects on vote outcomes in a variety of electoral contexts, and aggregate spending has been shown to affect levels of voter turnout as well. However, no work has in the past sought to look exclusively at the role of spending allocated to ballot initiatives in its ability to affect turnout. I anticipate higher levels of spending by pro and opposition groups correlating to higher overall voter turnout. In addition, I expect spending by opposition groups to have the greatest impact, as these groups are able to allocate funds mainly to media ads which seek to influence voter behavior through psychological aspects like fear. Using publicly disclosed data on ballot initiative spending tied to election year, the relationship between spending and voter turnout for the previous six biannual elections in four states with active ballot measure processes is investigated. Types of election, changes in voter partisanship, voter registration, and quantities and policy areas of ballot measures considered are controlled for to establish a baseline for voter turnout. The influence of campaign spending on turnout is sought after to help bridge-the-gap in relationships between spending and vote outcome, and turnout and vote outcome.

After Saudi Arabia announced its VISION2030 plan to reduce its oil dependence through economic diversification, a wide-scale crackdown on corruption was carried out. Following that was the imposition of the first tax policy in the Kingdom, a 5% value-added tax. These reforms strike a delicate balance; to develop infrastructure and new industries, particularly for an oil-dependent economy (ODE), the country must sustain high levels of foreign direct investment (FDI) among other sources of funding. Nonetheless, attracting FDI requires transparent and resilient fiscal institutions, and the presence of corruption negatively impacts FDI by conveying uncertainty and increasing costs of conducting business. ODEs may also seek to enhance non-resource taxation, providing another stable revenue stream. FDI enlarges the non-resource tax base by including new firms and increasing employment opportunities. By relying on FDI as an indicator of institutional quality, this paper tests the interaction of corruption and FDI and its impact on levels of non-oil tax revenue. I employ regression models to conduct a cross-national study of 17 ODEs, controlling for population, GDP per capita, government expenditure, oil sector ownership and oil price. I expect to find that higher levels of corruption lead to lower levels of FDI, which in turn decreases non-oil tax revenue collection. Additionally, I will use a Fiscal Reliance Measure (Haber and Menaldo, 2011) to test the same interaction’s effect on the ratio of hydrocarbon and oil revenue to total government revenue as a second proxy for economic diversification. This research contributes to the growing field of oil-dependence and economic diversification in two ways: it rejects the presence of a “resource curse” and examines the relationship between corruption and non-resource tax revenue by studying institutional state structures, and it explores the causal mechanism running from FDI to tax revenue, whereas previous literature has tested the inverse relationship.

Pain catastrophizing (PC) and pain-related self-efficacy (PSE) have both been shown to be associated with patient function in individuals with chronic pain, but the extent to which they may contribute independent variance to the prediction of pain and pain interference has been rarely examined. We conducted a secondary analysis of baseline data from a randomized controlled clinical trial with 177 individuals with chronic low back pain and/ or chronic pain associated with multiple sclerosis, muscular dystrophy, acquired amputation, and/ or spinal cord injury. We hypothesized PSE and PC would each be associated with pain interference (BPI), over and above the variance they share with each other and with a measure of pain intensity (0-10 NRS). Linear regression analyses revealed PC and PSE were each uniquely associated with BPI, after accounting for their shared variance and NRS. PC and PSE together accounted for substantial variance in BPI, over and above pain intensity, ΔR² = .20, F(1,170) = 59.74, p < .001, PC (B = 0.35, p < .001) and PSE (B = -0.20, p < .01). The findings indicate PSE and PC may play unique roles in adjustment to chronic pain, although PC may have larger effects. Conclusions regarding the causal role of PSE and PC on patient function cannot be determined from this cross-section study. However, future research should evaluate temporal and possible causal associations between PC, PSE, and subsequent changes in BPI and other important pain-related domains. Findings from such research would inform the potential importance of targeting these variables to maximize treatment benefits in individuals with chronic pain.